m_d_r_rio
Mar 27, 2012
Writing Feedback / Essay - Homosexual Parents | Does Sexuality Impact Children? [3]
First time writing an essay of this length (8 pages), on a sensitive topic. Your feedback on structure, academic integrity and voice are most appreciated.
My commentary and assignment details are at the end.
Thank you in advance.
M
~~~~
Homosexual Parents: Does Sexuality Impact Children?
"Parent" is a title assigned to any individual with a child. A good parent, however, is not implied in the label. To be a parent is a challenge. To be a good parent is an incredible challenge. There are numerous opinions, both expert and not, that offer advice on raising children for all types of households, from biological fathers and mothers to step parents and single parents. Gaining awareness through political limelight, gay and lesbian parents are provoking emerging discussions in child rearing: Does a parent's sexual orientation impact their ability to be a good parent? Are there psychological or sociological differences between children raised by heterosexual parents versus homosexual parents? Simply put, does sexuality of parents impact children? Over the past two decades many psychological and sociological studies of children of gay parents have been published. Many of these published works are in fact examinations of historical studies, putting previous conclusions to the test. These studies, together with first hand interviews of children reared by homosexual parents, draw a common conclusion: Sexuality does not impact children and homosexual men and women can make good parents.
In 1995, David K. Flaks, Ilda Ficher, Frank Masterpasqua and Gregory Joseph of the Institute for Graduate Clinical Psychology at Widener University, published a study titled Lesbians Choosing Motherhood: A Comparative Study of Lesbian and Heterosexual Parents and Their Children. Having reviewed comparative studies previously conducted, the group theorized that they would reach a conclusion similar to their predecessors. Their work was the first to separately evaluate male children from female children and to examine intellectual and behavioral outcomes of both the children and the parents. Notably, the study was the second of its type to measure planned lesbian-mother families (106). Stringent criteria were used to achieve eligibility in the study, with careful and intentional similarities in demographics of the children, as was the same for the education, race, duration of each couple's relationship and time spent living together (107). The children were assessed on cognitive functioning, behavioral adjustment and social competency while parental skills were similarly assessed, all using well known evaluation methods (108). With established controls and authoritative methods, did their findings match that of their predecessors?
In summation, the study conducted by David K. Flaks and his peers "revealed no significant differences between the two groups of children... [or] lesbian and heterosexual couples" (105). In fact, in the two areas of notable contrast, the homosexual parents demonstrated greater parental awareness aptitude and higher degree of unity (111). Pressures exists on all families, yet it is not surprising that the lesbian couples in the study scored higher in these two areas in light of the stresses unique to the gay community, including coming out, gay marriage and legal battles to obtain equal rights. Individuals and couples, under this stress, might develop a heightened sensitivity and awareness that translates to those specific parental attributes. Whatever future studies might conclude to account for the differences, this study demonstrated that children reared by homosexual parents are psychologically comparable to counterparts raised by heterosexual parents. Furthermore, it can be concluded that homosexual parents, like heterosexual parents, have the same capacity to be good parents.
The study facilitated by David K. Flaks and his peers was not the first to test theories related to psychological or sociological impacts on children by homosexual parents. Assembling results from these studies, numerous psychology and sociology papers have been published to review historical findings. Does the collection of studies demonstrate consistent conclusions? In one of the larger reviews conducted, Norman Anderssen, Christine Amlie and Erling Andre Ytteroy of the Department of Psychosocial Science at University of Bergen in Norway, published Outcomes for children with lesbian or gay parents. A review of studies from 1978 to 2000. Encompassing 23 historical psychological studies of 615 children with over 350 controls, despite dissimilarities in approach, methodology and theory, conclusions were similar in all outcomes, including "emotional functioning, sexual preference, stigmatization, gender role behavior, behavioral adjustment, gender identity and cognitive functioning" (335). The magnitude of this study is undeniable; more than two decades of studies have concluded that one's sexual orientation does not have a negative psychological or sociological impact on children.
Studies have painted a convincing conclusion that sexual orientation is not a determinate factor in raising children. Have studies demonstrated advantages to children of homosexual parents? Bridget Fitzgerald, in her paper Children of Lesbian and Gay Parents: A Review of the Literature was compelled to note such advantages in her conclusion. Similar to commentary by David K. Flaks, et al., Fitzgerald suspects a connection with social disadvantages and notable differences in children of heterosexual parents. Fitzgerald captured many benefits to children of homosexual parents, including candidness on subjects such as sexuality and diversity as well as heightened awareness of social issues such as prejudice and inequality with a greater capacity for empathy and tolerance (170). This is a powerful conclusion with impacts to arguments on gay rights, gay adoption and gay marriage. As progress in each of these areas continues, if the suspected link is validated, the conclusions infer that future studies will progressively note a reduced distinction in these areas.
Charlotte Patterson, in Children of Lesbian and Gay Parents, conducted a similar review of historical studies and also observed that that the findings achieved consistent conclusions. Looking beyond the results, Patterson purports that sexual orientation is not only of no consequence, but that the fundamental influence on children is the quality of the relationships with their parents. Patterson argues from her findings:
Whether or not any measurable impact of parental sexual orientation on children's development is ever demonstrated, the main conclusions from research to date remain clear: Whatever correlations between child outcomes and parental sexual orientation may exist, they are less important than those between child outcomes and the qualities of family relationships. (243)
Having observed that theories of homosexual parents generating psychological or sociological impacts on their children were debunked, Patterson moves the argument to foundational parental skills not inclusive of sexual orientation. A heterosexual parent, by definition, is not a good parent simply on the grounds of being heterosexual. It is difficult to find effective counter arguments to that statement. By extension, Patterson interprets the results to argue that both heterosexual and homosexual parents are fully capable of good parenting and raising well adjusted, psychologically sound children.
While most experts point to a united conclusion, there are divergent opinions - not of the opinion that homosexual parents do have a psychological or sociological impact on their children - but a challenge of the framework and methodology for such studies. Proponents suggest that the framework, while theoretically sensible, inevitably influences and creates a flawed result, demanding a new framework for studies. The most notable published work on this argument, (How) Does the Sexual Orientation of Parents Matter? by Judith Stacey and Timothy J. Biblarz, University of Southern California Professor and Associate Professor of Sociology, respectively, cite the influence of heterosexism and views on family values as an influence on both sides of the coin. Stacey and Biblarz observe that since most of the studies conducted purport a theory that is looking for risks and impacts to children of gay parents, the interpretation of the results is influenced: "Because anti-gay scholars seek evidence of harm, sympathetic researchers defensively stress its absence" (160). Heterosexism, the multitude and range of laws protecting or denying gay rights and even the definition of homosexuality is challenged, questioning the sociological, behavioral and emotional measurements (165). The conclusion of the matter, all things reviewed is:
... despite the limitations, there is suggestive evidence and good reason to believe that contemporary children and young adults with lesbian or gay parents do differ in modest and interesting ways from children with heterosexual parents. Most of the differences, however, are not casual, but are indirect effects of parental gender or selection effects associated with heterosexist social conditions under which lesbigay-parent families currently live. (176) While we disagree with those who claim that there are no differences between the children of heterosexual parents and children of lesbigay parents, we unequivocally endorse their conclusion that social science research provides no grounds for taking sexual orientation into account in the political distribution of family rights and responsibilities. (179)
The challenges expressed by Stacey and Biblarz raise valid concerns that they acknowledge must be further explored. In fact, most psychologists and sociologists who have conducted studies of the children of homosexual parents have acknowledged the same: more research must be completed. The stigmas of homosexuality, the prevalence of heterosexism, political and religious bias all play a role in the stresses and unique nature of a family unit consisting of two same-sex parents. It may be years before a study where the comparisons between heterosexual and homosexual parents can be free of such influences, yet decades of data cannot be dismissed. Even Stacey and Biblarz recognize that sexual orientation should not be taken into account. The broad consensus of the psychological and sociological communities validates that sexual orientation does not have a negative impact on children.
Studies conducted in the fields of psychology and sociology is just one contribution to determining the impact, if any, to children by homosexual parents. Such studies, regarded as the predominant core to answering the theories, are complimented by a wealth of first hand interviews of children of homosexual parents. Do the children validate the findings of larger studies? The Center for Family Research of the University of Cambridge, England, set out to answer that question. The results, published by April Gausp in Different families - The experiences of children with lesbian and gay parents, are the reflection of interviews of over 80 children ranging from four years of age through the mid-twenties. What did the children have to say about their own families and what they believe others' perceptions of their families are? Do the answers provide insight into the psychological and sociological stability of the children themselves?
The first theme of the interviews focused on what the children themselves perceived about their family. Same-sex parents are the minority in society, and this is does not go unrecognized by the children. One six year old acknowledged this fact by observing that in "most people's families you don't have to explain to everybody about your whole family, but I do in the playground. People will be like oh, how come you've got two mummies, you can only have one, and then I have to explain it all, but other people don't really have to do that" (8). Notably, when children come out to their parents as bisexual or homosexual, a common reaction is fear from others because they are different, or the minority. In the case of children of homosexual parents, a similar type of difference is observed in reverse. This six year old does not shy away from the difference, as a gay youth would be encouraged to do the same. Rather, the difference is recognized and public. Any youth who embraces differences and readily speaks to them might be called brave; this young girl could be counted amongst them - not specifically because her dissimilarity is having homosexual parents - but rather simply because she embraces a difference in her family.
Jasmine, an eight year old with two mothers, when probed about the differences in her family did not mention having two parents of the same gender. The difference young Jasmine noted was the geographic distance between the birthplaces of the children in the family. Noting similarities, she states "we still do things together, and we're still a big family and we're happy... and we still care for each other and we're still there when someone needs someone" (8). This youngster's comments spark a connection with conclusions reached by the work of Charlotte Patterson, reviewed earlier in this paper. Patterson determined that the merits of relationships in the family unit out shadowed the sexuality of the parents (Children of Lesbian and Gay Parents 243). Jasmine, indirectly acknowledging the difference in the makeup of her parents, recognizes the virtues of the relationships in the family above those differences.
Hannah, a sixteen year old with a seven year old female sibling, also commented on the quality of the relationships in the family as predominant over differences. Noting that her family has conflicts just like any other, she states "no matter how much we argue... I know that if anything serious happens we would all pull together and we would definitely be there for each other." The younger of the two siblings stated "I've got two parents who love me. It doesn't matter if they're a boy or a girl." In response, Hannah comments "to be honest, I think that's the best answer anyone could ever give" (10). The statements made by these and many other youths in the study do not shy away from the fact that having two mothers or two fathers in the household is different and the minority. Paramount to the difference is the relationships the children have with their parents, complimenting the findings of studies noted early. Indeed, homosexual parents are capable and competent to fashion psychologically stable households.
The collection of interviews conducted by the University of Cambridge also revealed that there are challenges unique to children raised by homosexual parents - yet these challenges are founded in the fact that it homosexual parents is simply different. Children in the study cited being teased, bullied, made fun of and segregated because of having homosexual parents, even by school faculty. One nineteen year old shared her experience:
My lecturer said if you haven't got a maternal and a paternal figure together then you're going to be a bit messed up... I understand [when] people say... it's important to have... even if he isn't your father, a male figure in the family, and yeah I had male figures. I don't think I'm screwed up and I think it's just funny when people say that because... I'm evidence that you're not like that at all. (12)
Such treatment by peers and faculty is not exclusive to children of homosexual parents, nor is it exclusive to the gay, lesbian, bisexual or transgendered children. Bullies target others for countless reasons; being teased and made fun of happens to many children. Homosexual parents of children, like their heterosexual counterparts, are teaching their children to embrace their differences, to promote diversity and how to respond if they are the target of such incidents. This common thread between parents binds them to their children, solidifies the family unit and validates the importance of familial relationships over the sexuality of parents.
The collection of studies conducted over the past 30 years discredits any claims that children reared by homosexual parents perpetrate negative psychological or sociological impacts to their children. Conclusively, sexuality does not impact the capacity to be a good parent. In fact, while undoubtedly linked to societal stresses, children of gay and lesbian parents trended better in key behavioral areas versus children reared by heterosexual parents. Indeed, the studies deflate the role of sexuality while highlighting the importance of quality relationships to successful families. Furthermore, the very children of homosexual parents offer first-hand perspective and experience that bears weight on the issue, supplying testimony confirming the stability and effectiveness of their family unit. These combined results point to the need for an expanded characterization of family, reaching key elements of our culture including marriage, adoption and universal equality. While respecting the right for individual positions and views, these studies are a convincing authority to drive emerging definitions of a society that truly embraces the notion of prosperity and equality for all.
Works Cited
Anderssen, N, C. Amlie and E.A. Yterroy. "Outcomes for children with lesbian or gay parents. A review of studies from 1978 to 2000." Scandinavian Journal of Psychology 43.4 (2002): 335-351. Web. 25 Feb. 2012.
Fitzgerald, Bridget. "Children of Lesbian and Gay Parents." Marriage and Family Review 29.1 (2009): 57-75. Web. 25 Feb. 2012.
Flaks, David K., et al. "Lesbians Choosing Motherhood: A Comparative Study of Lesbian and Heterosexual Parents and Their Children." Developmental Psychology 31.1 (1995): 105-114. Web. 25 Feb. 2012.
Gausop, April. "Different families the experiences of children with lesbian and gay parents." Stonewall. Centre for Family Research, University of Cambridge, 2010. Web. 27 Mar. 2012.
Patterson, Charlotte J. "Children of Lesbian and Gay Parents." Current Directions in Psychological Science 15.5 (2006): 241-244. Web. 25 Feb. 2012.
Stacey, Judith and Timothy J. Biblarz. "(How) Does the Sexual Orientation of Parents Matter?" American Sociological Review 66.2 (2001): 159-183. Web. 25 Feb. 2012.
Student's Notes:
There are several areas in which I believe my essay could be stronger. First, there are two key types of sources to support my thesis: documented studies and recorded interviews. While I believe that the studies alone could support my thesis, I am concerned that a reader may need more than these two perspectives to develop an opinion and/or be moved to alter existing positions. Second, I am not in a position to conduct interviews myself, forcing my hand to rely largely on published interviews. Third, I have a personal interest in the content of this paper, so ensuring integrity by omitting personal bias must be a paramount consideration to ensure the strength of the writing is consistent.
Assignment Details:
Your research paper should be 8-10 pages, double-spaced, and formatted in MLA style. It should include a cover page and a Works Cited page, which are not counted as part of the length requirements.
First time writing an essay of this length (8 pages), on a sensitive topic. Your feedback on structure, academic integrity and voice are most appreciated.
My commentary and assignment details are at the end.
Thank you in advance.
M
~~~~
Homosexual Parents: Does Sexuality Impact Children?
"Parent" is a title assigned to any individual with a child. A good parent, however, is not implied in the label. To be a parent is a challenge. To be a good parent is an incredible challenge. There are numerous opinions, both expert and not, that offer advice on raising children for all types of households, from biological fathers and mothers to step parents and single parents. Gaining awareness through political limelight, gay and lesbian parents are provoking emerging discussions in child rearing: Does a parent's sexual orientation impact their ability to be a good parent? Are there psychological or sociological differences between children raised by heterosexual parents versus homosexual parents? Simply put, does sexuality of parents impact children? Over the past two decades many psychological and sociological studies of children of gay parents have been published. Many of these published works are in fact examinations of historical studies, putting previous conclusions to the test. These studies, together with first hand interviews of children reared by homosexual parents, draw a common conclusion: Sexuality does not impact children and homosexual men and women can make good parents.
In 1995, David K. Flaks, Ilda Ficher, Frank Masterpasqua and Gregory Joseph of the Institute for Graduate Clinical Psychology at Widener University, published a study titled Lesbians Choosing Motherhood: A Comparative Study of Lesbian and Heterosexual Parents and Their Children. Having reviewed comparative studies previously conducted, the group theorized that they would reach a conclusion similar to their predecessors. Their work was the first to separately evaluate male children from female children and to examine intellectual and behavioral outcomes of both the children and the parents. Notably, the study was the second of its type to measure planned lesbian-mother families (106). Stringent criteria were used to achieve eligibility in the study, with careful and intentional similarities in demographics of the children, as was the same for the education, race, duration of each couple's relationship and time spent living together (107). The children were assessed on cognitive functioning, behavioral adjustment and social competency while parental skills were similarly assessed, all using well known evaluation methods (108). With established controls and authoritative methods, did their findings match that of their predecessors?
In summation, the study conducted by David K. Flaks and his peers "revealed no significant differences between the two groups of children... [or] lesbian and heterosexual couples" (105). In fact, in the two areas of notable contrast, the homosexual parents demonstrated greater parental awareness aptitude and higher degree of unity (111). Pressures exists on all families, yet it is not surprising that the lesbian couples in the study scored higher in these two areas in light of the stresses unique to the gay community, including coming out, gay marriage and legal battles to obtain equal rights. Individuals and couples, under this stress, might develop a heightened sensitivity and awareness that translates to those specific parental attributes. Whatever future studies might conclude to account for the differences, this study demonstrated that children reared by homosexual parents are psychologically comparable to counterparts raised by heterosexual parents. Furthermore, it can be concluded that homosexual parents, like heterosexual parents, have the same capacity to be good parents.
The study facilitated by David K. Flaks and his peers was not the first to test theories related to psychological or sociological impacts on children by homosexual parents. Assembling results from these studies, numerous psychology and sociology papers have been published to review historical findings. Does the collection of studies demonstrate consistent conclusions? In one of the larger reviews conducted, Norman Anderssen, Christine Amlie and Erling Andre Ytteroy of the Department of Psychosocial Science at University of Bergen in Norway, published Outcomes for children with lesbian or gay parents. A review of studies from 1978 to 2000. Encompassing 23 historical psychological studies of 615 children with over 350 controls, despite dissimilarities in approach, methodology and theory, conclusions were similar in all outcomes, including "emotional functioning, sexual preference, stigmatization, gender role behavior, behavioral adjustment, gender identity and cognitive functioning" (335). The magnitude of this study is undeniable; more than two decades of studies have concluded that one's sexual orientation does not have a negative psychological or sociological impact on children.
Studies have painted a convincing conclusion that sexual orientation is not a determinate factor in raising children. Have studies demonstrated advantages to children of homosexual parents? Bridget Fitzgerald, in her paper Children of Lesbian and Gay Parents: A Review of the Literature was compelled to note such advantages in her conclusion. Similar to commentary by David K. Flaks, et al., Fitzgerald suspects a connection with social disadvantages and notable differences in children of heterosexual parents. Fitzgerald captured many benefits to children of homosexual parents, including candidness on subjects such as sexuality and diversity as well as heightened awareness of social issues such as prejudice and inequality with a greater capacity for empathy and tolerance (170). This is a powerful conclusion with impacts to arguments on gay rights, gay adoption and gay marriage. As progress in each of these areas continues, if the suspected link is validated, the conclusions infer that future studies will progressively note a reduced distinction in these areas.
Charlotte Patterson, in Children of Lesbian and Gay Parents, conducted a similar review of historical studies and also observed that that the findings achieved consistent conclusions. Looking beyond the results, Patterson purports that sexual orientation is not only of no consequence, but that the fundamental influence on children is the quality of the relationships with their parents. Patterson argues from her findings:
Whether or not any measurable impact of parental sexual orientation on children's development is ever demonstrated, the main conclusions from research to date remain clear: Whatever correlations between child outcomes and parental sexual orientation may exist, they are less important than those between child outcomes and the qualities of family relationships. (243)
Having observed that theories of homosexual parents generating psychological or sociological impacts on their children were debunked, Patterson moves the argument to foundational parental skills not inclusive of sexual orientation. A heterosexual parent, by definition, is not a good parent simply on the grounds of being heterosexual. It is difficult to find effective counter arguments to that statement. By extension, Patterson interprets the results to argue that both heterosexual and homosexual parents are fully capable of good parenting and raising well adjusted, psychologically sound children.
While most experts point to a united conclusion, there are divergent opinions - not of the opinion that homosexual parents do have a psychological or sociological impact on their children - but a challenge of the framework and methodology for such studies. Proponents suggest that the framework, while theoretically sensible, inevitably influences and creates a flawed result, demanding a new framework for studies. The most notable published work on this argument, (How) Does the Sexual Orientation of Parents Matter? by Judith Stacey and Timothy J. Biblarz, University of Southern California Professor and Associate Professor of Sociology, respectively, cite the influence of heterosexism and views on family values as an influence on both sides of the coin. Stacey and Biblarz observe that since most of the studies conducted purport a theory that is looking for risks and impacts to children of gay parents, the interpretation of the results is influenced: "Because anti-gay scholars seek evidence of harm, sympathetic researchers defensively stress its absence" (160). Heterosexism, the multitude and range of laws protecting or denying gay rights and even the definition of homosexuality is challenged, questioning the sociological, behavioral and emotional measurements (165). The conclusion of the matter, all things reviewed is:
... despite the limitations, there is suggestive evidence and good reason to believe that contemporary children and young adults with lesbian or gay parents do differ in modest and interesting ways from children with heterosexual parents. Most of the differences, however, are not casual, but are indirect effects of parental gender or selection effects associated with heterosexist social conditions under which lesbigay-parent families currently live. (176) While we disagree with those who claim that there are no differences between the children of heterosexual parents and children of lesbigay parents, we unequivocally endorse their conclusion that social science research provides no grounds for taking sexual orientation into account in the political distribution of family rights and responsibilities. (179)
The challenges expressed by Stacey and Biblarz raise valid concerns that they acknowledge must be further explored. In fact, most psychologists and sociologists who have conducted studies of the children of homosexual parents have acknowledged the same: more research must be completed. The stigmas of homosexuality, the prevalence of heterosexism, political and religious bias all play a role in the stresses and unique nature of a family unit consisting of two same-sex parents. It may be years before a study where the comparisons between heterosexual and homosexual parents can be free of such influences, yet decades of data cannot be dismissed. Even Stacey and Biblarz recognize that sexual orientation should not be taken into account. The broad consensus of the psychological and sociological communities validates that sexual orientation does not have a negative impact on children.
Studies conducted in the fields of psychology and sociology is just one contribution to determining the impact, if any, to children by homosexual parents. Such studies, regarded as the predominant core to answering the theories, are complimented by a wealth of first hand interviews of children of homosexual parents. Do the children validate the findings of larger studies? The Center for Family Research of the University of Cambridge, England, set out to answer that question. The results, published by April Gausp in Different families - The experiences of children with lesbian and gay parents, are the reflection of interviews of over 80 children ranging from four years of age through the mid-twenties. What did the children have to say about their own families and what they believe others' perceptions of their families are? Do the answers provide insight into the psychological and sociological stability of the children themselves?
The first theme of the interviews focused on what the children themselves perceived about their family. Same-sex parents are the minority in society, and this is does not go unrecognized by the children. One six year old acknowledged this fact by observing that in "most people's families you don't have to explain to everybody about your whole family, but I do in the playground. People will be like oh, how come you've got two mummies, you can only have one, and then I have to explain it all, but other people don't really have to do that" (8). Notably, when children come out to their parents as bisexual or homosexual, a common reaction is fear from others because they are different, or the minority. In the case of children of homosexual parents, a similar type of difference is observed in reverse. This six year old does not shy away from the difference, as a gay youth would be encouraged to do the same. Rather, the difference is recognized and public. Any youth who embraces differences and readily speaks to them might be called brave; this young girl could be counted amongst them - not specifically because her dissimilarity is having homosexual parents - but rather simply because she embraces a difference in her family.
Jasmine, an eight year old with two mothers, when probed about the differences in her family did not mention having two parents of the same gender. The difference young Jasmine noted was the geographic distance between the birthplaces of the children in the family. Noting similarities, she states "we still do things together, and we're still a big family and we're happy... and we still care for each other and we're still there when someone needs someone" (8). This youngster's comments spark a connection with conclusions reached by the work of Charlotte Patterson, reviewed earlier in this paper. Patterson determined that the merits of relationships in the family unit out shadowed the sexuality of the parents (Children of Lesbian and Gay Parents 243). Jasmine, indirectly acknowledging the difference in the makeup of her parents, recognizes the virtues of the relationships in the family above those differences.
Hannah, a sixteen year old with a seven year old female sibling, also commented on the quality of the relationships in the family as predominant over differences. Noting that her family has conflicts just like any other, she states "no matter how much we argue... I know that if anything serious happens we would all pull together and we would definitely be there for each other." The younger of the two siblings stated "I've got two parents who love me. It doesn't matter if they're a boy or a girl." In response, Hannah comments "to be honest, I think that's the best answer anyone could ever give" (10). The statements made by these and many other youths in the study do not shy away from the fact that having two mothers or two fathers in the household is different and the minority. Paramount to the difference is the relationships the children have with their parents, complimenting the findings of studies noted early. Indeed, homosexual parents are capable and competent to fashion psychologically stable households.
The collection of interviews conducted by the University of Cambridge also revealed that there are challenges unique to children raised by homosexual parents - yet these challenges are founded in the fact that it homosexual parents is simply different. Children in the study cited being teased, bullied, made fun of and segregated because of having homosexual parents, even by school faculty. One nineteen year old shared her experience:
My lecturer said if you haven't got a maternal and a paternal figure together then you're going to be a bit messed up... I understand [when] people say... it's important to have... even if he isn't your father, a male figure in the family, and yeah I had male figures. I don't think I'm screwed up and I think it's just funny when people say that because... I'm evidence that you're not like that at all. (12)
Such treatment by peers and faculty is not exclusive to children of homosexual parents, nor is it exclusive to the gay, lesbian, bisexual or transgendered children. Bullies target others for countless reasons; being teased and made fun of happens to many children. Homosexual parents of children, like their heterosexual counterparts, are teaching their children to embrace their differences, to promote diversity and how to respond if they are the target of such incidents. This common thread between parents binds them to their children, solidifies the family unit and validates the importance of familial relationships over the sexuality of parents.
The collection of studies conducted over the past 30 years discredits any claims that children reared by homosexual parents perpetrate negative psychological or sociological impacts to their children. Conclusively, sexuality does not impact the capacity to be a good parent. In fact, while undoubtedly linked to societal stresses, children of gay and lesbian parents trended better in key behavioral areas versus children reared by heterosexual parents. Indeed, the studies deflate the role of sexuality while highlighting the importance of quality relationships to successful families. Furthermore, the very children of homosexual parents offer first-hand perspective and experience that bears weight on the issue, supplying testimony confirming the stability and effectiveness of their family unit. These combined results point to the need for an expanded characterization of family, reaching key elements of our culture including marriage, adoption and universal equality. While respecting the right for individual positions and views, these studies are a convincing authority to drive emerging definitions of a society that truly embraces the notion of prosperity and equality for all.
Works Cited
Anderssen, N, C. Amlie and E.A. Yterroy. "Outcomes for children with lesbian or gay parents. A review of studies from 1978 to 2000." Scandinavian Journal of Psychology 43.4 (2002): 335-351. Web. 25 Feb. 2012.
Fitzgerald, Bridget. "Children of Lesbian and Gay Parents." Marriage and Family Review 29.1 (2009): 57-75. Web. 25 Feb. 2012.
Flaks, David K., et al. "Lesbians Choosing Motherhood: A Comparative Study of Lesbian and Heterosexual Parents and Their Children." Developmental Psychology 31.1 (1995): 105-114. Web. 25 Feb. 2012.
Gausop, April. "Different families the experiences of children with lesbian and gay parents." Stonewall. Centre for Family Research, University of Cambridge, 2010. Web. 27 Mar. 2012.
Patterson, Charlotte J. "Children of Lesbian and Gay Parents." Current Directions in Psychological Science 15.5 (2006): 241-244. Web. 25 Feb. 2012.
Stacey, Judith and Timothy J. Biblarz. "(How) Does the Sexual Orientation of Parents Matter?" American Sociological Review 66.2 (2001): 159-183. Web. 25 Feb. 2012.
Student's Notes:
There are several areas in which I believe my essay could be stronger. First, there are two key types of sources to support my thesis: documented studies and recorded interviews. While I believe that the studies alone could support my thesis, I am concerned that a reader may need more than these two perspectives to develop an opinion and/or be moved to alter existing positions. Second, I am not in a position to conduct interviews myself, forcing my hand to rely largely on published interviews. Third, I have a personal interest in the content of this paper, so ensuring integrity by omitting personal bias must be a paramount consideration to ensure the strength of the writing is consistent.
Assignment Details:
Your research paper should be 8-10 pages, double-spaced, and formatted in MLA style. It should include a cover page and a Works Cited page, which are not counted as part of the length requirements.